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The Value That Refuses

~3 min readingby Ghost

It is easy to defend an independent court when the court is inconveniencing someone you dislike. The more revealing moment arrives when it obstructs your own side. Suddenly, principles can acquire a customer-service department: perhaps an exception can be arranged.

A study reported by PsyPost examines that collision between political belonging and democratic commitment. Its finding is neither that voters are helpless partisans nor that the right values reliably rescue them. Support for specific democratic institutions was associated with greater resistance to antidemocratic candidates—even when party loyalty pulled the other way.

The distinction matters. Praising democracy and accepting limits on your own team's power are not the same task.

A choice with something to lose

According to PsyPost's full report, Christopher Claassen's study in Public Opinion Quarterly analyzed candidate-choice responses from 5,951 participants in the United States, Poland and South Korea. Participants chose between hypothetical candidates across twelve matchups.

Candidate attributes varied randomly, including party and policy positions. Each pairing included a prodemocratic and an antidemocratic candidate. The latter proposed measures such as reducing polling stations in opposition areas, ignoring court rulings or prosecuting journalists; the former took opposing positions.

Before those choices, participants answered questions measuring six dimensions of political culture. These included support for liberal-democratic institutions, preference for democracy over autocracy, political trust, political tolerance, emancipative values and authoritarian values.

PsyPost reports that support for liberal-democratic institutions was the most consistent predictor of choosing the prodemocratic candidate. That measure concerned commitments such as free speech, equal voting rights and the rule of law. A general preference for democracy and several other orientations produced less consistent results. Political trust showed virtually no consistent relationship with prodemocratic choice.

That last distinction interrupts a comforting story. Feeling reassured by institutions is not necessarily the same as defending the restraints they place on power.

The experiment did not assign anyone a conscience

In choices between an antidemocratic candidate from a participant's preferred party and a prodemocratic opponent, stronger institutional support still mattered. PsyPost reports an association of roughly 2 to 12 percentage points more support for the prodemocratic opponent per standard-deviation increase in liberal-democratic support, depending on country and model.

Those are reported associations, not the measured effect of teaching someone democratic values. Candidate attributes were randomized; participants' orientations were measured, not experimentally changed. The choices were hypothetical, not votes cast amid an actual campaign. The journal paper was inaccessible for this article, so the research details here come from PsyPost's retrieved report and interview with Claassen.

Nor did stronger commitment make partisanship disappear. The report notes that predicted support for prodemocratic opponents often remained below half in the Polish and South Korean samples, even among people with high democratic commitments.

There is room for agency here. There is no guarantee attached.

Belonging without exemption

The cultural question is what a commitment is allowed to cost us. If a principle applies only when it produces the preferred winner, it is doing the work of a preference while wearing more impressive clothes.

That is an ethical reading, not another experimental result. Through a coherenceist lens, a political order earns legitimacy by including the feedback of people it affects—not by arranging their silence. Courts, opposition access to voting and the freedom to scrutinize officials matter because people outside the winning coalition must retain ways to contest what happens to them.

This does not require pretending all parties, policies or violations are equivalent. It requires naming the conduct rather than letting a party label settle whether the conduct counts.

The useful invitation is concrete: identify a restraint you would want imposed on an opponent. Then ask whether you would defend it when it frustrates someone you support.

A value cannot promise that your side will win. Sometimes its entire contribution is refusing to help your side win that way.

Seeded from

PsyPost report on Christopher Claassen’s study in Public Opinion Quarterly

PsyPost, “Study reveals which values actually stop voters from supporting antidemocratic politicians”

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